O alemão silencioso Herlinde Koelbl fotografa Merkel desde 1991. Koelbl diz que Merkel sempre foi um pouco estranha, mas você pode sentir sua força no início. Crédito Fotografias por Herlinde Koelbl Agentur Focus Contato Imprensa Imagens Uma tarde de verão no Reichstag. A luz suave de Berlim filtra a base da grande cúpula de vidro, passando turistas subindo a rampa espiral e no salão principal do parlamento. A metade dos assentos dos membros está vazia. No átrio, uma figura curta e ligeiramente esticada em uma jaqueta fúcsia, calças pretas e um capacete de cabelo sem cor é ler um discurso de uma pasta. Angela Merkel, o chanceler da República Federal da Alemanha e a mulher mais poderosa do mundo, está fazendo todos os esforços para não ser interessante. Como o governo federal, estamos realizando uma política tripla desde o início da crise da Ucrânia, Merkel diz, olhando para a pasta. Sua entrega não é tonta, como se ela estivesse tentando induzir seu público a mudar sua atenção em outro lugar. Além da primeira parte desta tríade, o apoio direcionado à Ucrânia, é, em segundo lugar, o esforço incessante para encontrar uma solução diplomática para a crise no diálogo com a Rússia. Durante anos, falar em público era visivelmente doloroso para Merkel, as mãos dele uma fonte particular de problemas, eventualmente, ela aprendeu a juntar a ponta dos dedos em forma de diamante sobre o estômago. O Reichstag foi construído sob Kaiser Wilhelm I e o chanceler Otto von Bismarck, nos dezoito anos oitenta, quando uma Alemanha recém-unificada estava fazendo sua primeira ascensão para a preeminência na Europa. Dois dias antes do final da Primeira Guerra Mundial, com uma revolução bolchevique espalhando-se por todo o país, um político social-democrata interrompeu o almoço dentro do Reichstag, ficou em uma varanda do segundo andar e declarou o fim da Alemanha imperial: Viva A República alemã O Reichstag foi o assento turbulento do parlamento através da era de Weimar e no início do governo nazista, até que, na noite de 27 de fevereiro de 1933, um incêndio suspeito estourou na câmara da sessão e quase esvaziou o prédio. O novo chanceler da Alemanha, Adolf Hitler, correu para a cena com seu ajudante Joseph Goebbels e culpou o fogo dos comunistas, usando a crise para suspender as liberdades civis, esmagar a oposição e consolidar todo o poder no Partido nazista. O Parlamento votou para tornar-se sem sentido, e os nazistas nunca repararam o edifício danificado. No final da Segunda Guerra Mundial, os soviéticos viram o Reichstag como o símbolo do Terceiro Reich e tornaram-no um alvo de topo na Batalha de Berlim, colocando forte cerco. Uma fotografia de um soldado do Exército Vermelho levantando uma bandeira soviética em meio à estatueta neoclássica no telhado tornou-se a imagem icônica da derrota alemã. Durante a Guerra Fria, a cúpula dos Reichstagits naufragou, seus muros bala-pocked era uma relíquia abandonada na terra do no mans de Berlim central, apenas dentro do setor britânico. The Wall, construído em 1961, percorreu alguns passos da parte de trás do prédio. Uma renovação mínima nos anos sessenta manteve os elementos, mas o Reichstag foi geralmente evitado até que o Muro desceu, em 1989. Então, à meia-noite de 3 de outubro de 1990, o Presidente Richard von Weizscker ficou de fora do Reichstag e anunciou a uma multidão de Um milhão de pessoas a reunificação da Alemanha, em liberdade e paz. Berlim tornou-se sua capital. Para a próxima década, até que o Bundestag tenha começado a se reunir oficialmente, o Reichstag foi reconstruído de uma maneira sinceramente debatida e conscientemente simbólica que dizia tanto sobre a Alemanha reunificada como a ruína havia dito sobre os anos totalitários. A magnífica cúpula, desenhada por Norman Foster, sugeriu transparência e abertura. As palavras famosas na entrada colonnada, DEM DEUTSCHEN VOLKE (Para o povo alemão) fabricadas a partir de canhões franceses derretidos das Guerras napoleônicas e afixadas durante a Primeira Guerra Mundial foram preservadas de um sentimento de fidelidade à história. Mas, após o argumento parlamentar, um artista alemão-americano foi encarregado de criar um jardim no pátio onde a frase mais modesta DER BEVLKERUNG Para o Populace, sem o tom nacionalista da divisão mais antiga, estava em letras brancas em meio a plantações indisciplinadas. Durante a reconstrução dos Reichstags, os trabalhadores descobriram graffiti, em roteiro cirílico, rabiscados por soldados do Exército Vermelho em paredes do segundo andar. Depois de outro debate, alguns deles foram mantidos em exibição como lembretes históricos: nomes de soldados, Moscou para Berlim 9545, mesmo que eu foda Hitler na bunda. Nenhum outro país memorializa seus conquistadores nas paredes do seu edifício oficial mais importante. Os crimes de Germanys eram únicos, e assim é o seu modo de contar com a história contida no Reichstag. Ao integrar os slogans de soldados russos vitoriosos no seu edifício do parlamento, a Alemanha mostra que aprendeu lições essenciais do passado (que os próprios russos perderam). Ao enfrentar o século XX de frente, os alemães abraçam uma narrativa de libertar-se do pior de sua história. Em Berlim, lembretes estão ao seu redor. Pegue o U-Bahn no Stadtmitte, entre o Memorial para os judeus assassinados da Europa e o museu da Topografia do Terror Gestapo, e olhe para o trem de notícias dos trens: há 80 anos hoje PEN Club-Berlin forçado ao exílio. Como um analisando dedicado, a Alemanha trouxe seu passado à superfície, discutiu sem parar e aceitou, e esse trabalho de muitos anos libertou o paciente para levar uma nova vida bem sucedida. No púlpito, Merkel continua a dirigir-se ao parlamento, relatando uma reunião, em Bruxelas, do Grupo dos Sete, que acabou de expulsar o seu oitavo membro, a Rússia, durante a guerra na Ucrânia. Seremos muito persistentes quando se trata de fazer valer a liberdade, a justiça e a autodeterminação no continente europeu, diz ela. Nossa tarefa é proteger a Ucrânia por sua maneira autodeterminada e conhecer o pensamento antigo sobre as esferas de influência do século XIX e XX com respostas do século XXI global. Merkel alcançou seus altos pontos retóricos, assinalados por uma desaceleração de seu monotone e um gesto de mão sutil, os dedos estendidos. Para o falante não alemão, ela poderia ler as diretrizes regulamentares para o sistema ferroviário nacional. O chanceler termina com um aplauso sustentado e se sentou atrás do púlpito, entre os ministros do gabinete. Merkel perdeu o peso no inverno passado depois de fraturar a pelve em um acidente de esqui cross-country, ela desistiu de sanduíches de salsicha para cenouras picadas e tirou vinte libras e seu rosto mais magro, com os olhos afundados e os mordos mais longos, trai sua fadiga. Shes Chancellor desde 2005, tendo ganho um terceiro mandato em setembro passado, sem nenhum desafiante à vista. Após o chanceler, é a vez da oposição falar como é. A coalizão governista de Merkels Christian Democrats e os social-democratas tem oitenta por cento dos assentos no Bundestag. Os Verdes, que fizeram mal nas eleições dos últimos anos, tiveram problemas para distinguir sua agenda de Merkels e muitas vezes emprestam seu apoio. Neste dia, o papel da oposição é deixado para Die Linke, o partido esquerdista da maioria dos antigos políticos da Alemanha Oriental, que tem apenas dez por cento do parlamento. Sahra Wagenknecht, um marxista ortodoxo com um terno de vermelho brilhante, passos atrás do púlpito e repreende Merkel por suas políticas econômicas e estrangeiras, que, diz ela, estão trazendo o fascismo de volta à Europa. Devemos parar de abusar de uma posição altamente perigosa e semi-hegemônica na qual a Alemanha se deslocou, no implacável e antigo estilo alemão, declara Wagenknecht. Ela então cita o historiador francês Emmanuel Todd: Sem saber, os alemães estão a caminho de assumir novamente seu papel como portadores de calamidades para os outros povos europeus e, mais tarde, para si mesmos. Merkel a ignora. Ela está rindo sobre algo com seu ministro da Economia, Sigmar Gabriel, e seu ministro dos Negócios Estrangeiros, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, ambos social-democratas. Enquanto Wagenknecht acusa o governo de apoiar os fascistas em Kiev, Merkel se levanta para conversar com seus ministros na linha de trás. Ela volta para o assento dela e rummaga com uma bolsa de couro de laranja-vermelho que choca com sua jaqueta. Quando ela olha para Wagenknecht, é com uma mistura de tédio e desprezo. Achamos que aqueles que testávamos perfume e maquiagem são extremamente atraentes para mim. O orador termina o jeremim, e as únicas pessoas aplaudir são os membros de Die Linke, isolados na seção de extrema esquerda da câmara. Um por um, parlamentares social-democratas e verdes se apresentam para defender Merkel. Como você pode nos conectar alemães aos fascistas, Katrin Gring-Eckardt, um líder verde, pede, para aplaudir. Outra mulher de Die Linke lança uma citação de Bertolt Brecht em Gring-Eckardt: Quem não sabe a verdade é simplesmente um tolo, mas quem sabe a verdade e chama isso de mentira é um criminoso. Gring-Eckardt está indignado. O vice-presidente do Bundestag ordena à mulher de Die Linke que observe o protocolo. Merkel continua ignorando a troca, em um ponto virando as costas, em outro saindo do corredor. Mais tarde, as notícias de notícias alemãs falarão de alto drama no Bundestag normalmente sonolento, mas a linguagem corporal Merkels conta a história: o drama foi fornecido por uma minoria insignificante. A chanceler Merkel detém o parlamento sob controle. O historiador Fritz Stern chama a era da reunificação, a segunda chance de Germania, a nova oportunidade de ser o poder preeminente da Europes, após o período catastrófico de agressão que começou há um século. Merkel parece perfeitamente correspondente às demandas desta segunda chance. Em um país onde a retórica apaixonada e o estilo machista levaram à ruína, seu desapego analítico e a falta de ego aparente são forças políticas. Em um continente onde o medo da Alemanha não está quase morto, o ar de ordinalidade de Merkels torna a Alemanha ressurgente menos ameaçadora. Merkel tem um personagem que sugere que um de nós, Gring-Eckardt me disse. Os alemães chamam o Chanceler Mutti, ou a Mãe. O apelido foi aplicado pelos rivais Merkels na União Democrata Cristã como um insulto, e ela não gostou, mas depois que Mutti pegou com o público, Merkel abraçou. Enquanto a maior parte da Europa estagnada, a Alemanha é um gigante econômico, com baixo desemprego e uma base de fabricação resiliente. A crise monetária em curso da zona do euro transformou a Alemanha, o maior país credor da Europes, em uma superpotência regional dos biógrafos da Merkels, que a chama Chanceler da Europa. Enquanto a América se desloca para uma desigualdade cada vez mais profunda, a Alemanha mantém sua classe média e um alto nível de solidariedade social. Os jovens manifestantes irritados enchem as praças públicas de países de todo o mundo, mas as multidões alemãs se reúnem para concertos ao ar livre e celebrações da Copa do Mundo. Agora, quase pacifista após sua história de militarismo, a Alemanha ficou fora da maioria das guerras recentes que provaram ser punidas e inconclusivas para outros países ocidentais. A última E. U. As eleições, em maio, viram partidos na extrema esquerda e na extrema direita crescerem mais populares em todo o continente, exceto na Alemanha, onde os vencedores eram os centrists cujos talentosos professores e gerentes de recursos humanos trabalhavam em cartazes de campanha, nenhum mais onipresente que o de Merkel, que não estava nem na cédula. A política americana está tão polarizada que o Congresso praticamente deixou de funcionar o consenso na Alemanha é tão estável que novas leis derramam do parlamento, enquanto o debate significativo quase desapareceu. A autocrítica alemã e a auto-aversão fazem parte da história de sucesso forte ao odiar-se, Mariam Lau, correspondente político do jornal semanal Die Zeit. me disse. E Merkel também teve que se reduzir. É parte da auto-redução da Alemanha. Entre os líderes alemães, Merkel é uma tripla anomalia: uma mulher (divorciada, casada novamente, sem filhos), cientista (química quântica) e Ossi (um produto da Alemanha Oriental). Essas qualidades, embora tornando-a um estranho na política alemã, também ajudaram a impulsionar sua ascensão extraordinária. No entanto, alguns observadores, tentando explicar o seu sucesso, parecem em todos os lugares, mas para a própria Merkel. Há alguns que dizem o que não deveria ser realmente impossível, que uma mulher da Alemanha Oriental, que não tem as qualidades típicas que um político deveria ter, não deveria estar nesta posição, disse Gring-Eckardt, outra mulher da Alemanha Oriental. Eles não querem dizer que é apenas um político muito bom. Ao longo de sua carreira, Merkel fez com que políticos mais velhos e mais poderosos, quase todos homens, pagassem um alto preço por subestimá-la. Merkel nasceu em Hamburgo, na Alemanha Ocidental, em 1954. Seu pai, Horst Kasner, era oficial na Igreja Luterana, uma das poucas instituições que continuaram a operar em ambas as alemanhas após a divisão do pós-guerra do país. Sério e exigente, ele mudou a família através da fronteira apenas algumas semanas depois do nascimento de Angelas e contra suas desejos de esposa para assumir tarefas eclesiásticas na República Democrática Alemã. Naquele ano, quase duzentos mil alemães do leste fugiram na outra direção. A decisão incomum de Kasners levou os oficiais da Igreja da Alemanha Ocidental a chamá-lo de ministro vermelho. Joachim Gauck, ex-pastor e dissidente da Alemanha Oriental, que, em 2012, foi eleito presidente germânico em geral cerimonial, uma vez que disse a um colega que pessoas na Igreja Luterana sob o comunismo sabiam ficar longe de Kasner, um membro da Federação controlada pelo Estado Dos Pastores Evangélicos. Na maioria das contas, os motivos de Kasners eram tanto carreira como ideológicos. Angela, a mais velha de três crianças, foi criada nos arredores de Templin, uma cidade de paralelepípedos nos pinhais de Brandenburgo, ao norte de Berlim. Os Kasners moravam no seminário de Waldhof, um complexo de cerca de trinta edifícios, muitos do século XIX, pertencentes à Igreja Luterana. Waldhof era e restabeleceu a várias centenas de deficientes físicos e mentais, que aprenderam comércios e cultivaram. Ulrich Schoeneich, que gerenciou a propriedade nos anos oitenta e conheceu os Kasners, descreveu Waldhof sob os alemães do leste como um lugar sombrio, com até sessenta homens abarrotados em um quarto único e sem móveis, exceto berços. Merkel lembrou-se de ter visto alguns residentes amarrados a bancos, mas ela também disse: "Crescer no bairro de deficientes físicos foi uma experiência importante para mim. Eu aprendi então a tratá-los de uma maneira muito normal. A educação de Merkels em um estado comunista era tão normal como poderia fazê-lo. Nunca senti que o G. D.R. Era meu país natal, ela contou ao fotógrafo alemão Herlinde Koelbl, em 1991. Eu tenho um espírito relativamente ensolarado, e sempre tive a expectativa de que meu caminho na vida fosse relativamente sol, não importava o que acontecesse. Nunca me deixei amargar. Eu usei sempre a sala livre que o G. D.R. me permitiu. Não havia sombra sobre minha infância. E depois eu agi de tal maneira que não teria que viver em constante conflito com o estado. Durante sua primeira campanha para o Chanceler, em 2005, ela descreveu seus cálculos de forma mais sem graça: decidi que, se o sistema se tornasse muito terrível, eu teria que tentar fugir. Mas se não fosse muito ruim, eu não iria liderar minha vida em oposição ao sistema, porque eu estava com medo do dano que faria comigo. Ser filha de um ministro protestante do Oeste possuía privilégios e responsabilidades. Os Kasners tinham dois carros: o padrão Trabant alemão do leste, uma pequena caixa pequena que se tornou o assunto de Ostalgia kitsch. E um Wartburg mais luxuoso, seu carro oficial da igreja. A família recebeu roupas e comida de parentes em Hamburgo, bem como dinheiro sob a forma de cheques de Fórum, conversíveis a partir de marcas alemãs e válidos em lojas em grandes hotéis de Berlim Oriental que vendiam itens de consumo ocidentais. Erika Benn, professora russa Merkels em Templin, disseram. Mas a Igreja manteve independência suficiente do estado em que os Kasners viviam sob constantes suspeitas, e durante as organizações religiosas da infância de Angelas passaram a ser vistas como agentes da inteligência ocidental. Em 1994, concluiu um relatório oficial sobre a repressão na Alemanha Oriental, o país de Martinho Lutero foi descristianizado até o final do G. D.R. Angelas mãe, Herlind, sofreu mais na família. Uma professora de inglês que transmitiu sua paixão por aprender a Angela, Herlind escreveu às autoridades educacionais todos os anos pedindo um emprego, e todos os anos lhe disseram que não havia nada disponível, mesmo que os professores de inglês estivessem desesperadamente escassos. Ela sempre se sentiu oprimida por seu marido, disse Schoeneich, gerente do Waldhof. Tudo bem, amigo, será uma taxa de dólar de dez dólares. Angela estava fisicamente e depois se chamou um pequeno idiota de movimento. Com a idade de cinco anos, ela mal conseguia andar na montanha sem cair. O que uma pessoa normal sabe automaticamente, tive que descobrir mentalmente, seguido de exercício cansativo, ela disse. De acordo com Benn, como adolescente, Merkel nunca foi maluca nem gostosa, estava desinteressada em roupas, sempre incolora, e seu corte de cabelo era impossível, parecia uma panela na cabeça. Um antigo colega de escola marcou uma vez um membro do Clube dos Unkissed. (O colega de escola, que se tornou o chefe da polícia de Templins, quase perdeu seu emprego quando o comentário foi publicado.) Mas Merkel era uma estudante brilhante e ferozmente motivada. Um associado político de longa data da Merkels traça seu caminho para aqueles primeiros anos em Templin. Ela decidiu, O. K. Você não foda-me, eu vou te foder com minhas armas, o associado político me disse. E essas armas eram inteligência, vontade e poder. Quando Angela estava na oitava série, Benn recrutou-a para o Clube Russo e a treinou para competir na Olimpíada de língua russa do leste alemão. Durante os skits que os alunos praticavam na pequena sala de professores, Benn teve que exortar seu estudante estrela a olhar e a sorrir enquanto oferecesse a outro aluno um copo de água em russo: você não pode ser um pouco mais amigável, Merkel ganhou em todos os níveis, da escola Para todo o país, uma façanha que ela conseguiu três vezes, para a glória de Frau Benn, um membro do Partido com ambições de cidade pequena. Em seu apartamento arrumado em Templin, Benn, que tem setenta e seis anos, orgulhosamente me mostrou um certificado de vitória de 1969. Tenho o Lenin no busto, disse ela. Pouco antes de Horst Kasner morrer, em 2011, ele enviou um recorte de jornal para um colega de Benns, com uma foto de Merkel ao lado do presidente das Russias, Vladimir Putin. Para prazer de Benns, Putin foi citado expressando sua admiração pelo primeiro líder mundial com quem ele poderia conversar na língua materna. Em 1970, um incidente expôs a posição frágil da família Brgerlich Kasner. Em uma reunião local do Partido, o último triunfo dos clubes russos foi anunciado, e Benn esperava elogios. Em vez disso, o supervisor das escolas observou-se acidentalmente, quando os filhos dos agricultores e trabalhadores ganharem, isso será algo. Benn explodiu em lágrimas. Merkel estudou física na Universidade de Leipzig e obteve um doutorado em química quântica em Berlim. Ela foi autorizada a prosseguir estudos de pós-graduação, em grande parte, porque ela nunca corria contra o partido no poder. Ulrich Schoeneich, que se tornou o prefeito de Templins após a reunificação, expressou amargura para mim de que Merkel não foi muito desafiada em seu alojamento com o sistema da Alemanha Oriental. O pai de Schoeneich, Harro, também era um ministro protestante, mas, ao contrário de Kasner, ele se desentendeu abertamente do estado. Ulrich Schoeneich recusou-se a se juntar à Juventude Alemã Livre, a reserva de combate azulada do partido no poder, que juntou a grande maioria dos adolescentes da Alemanha Oriental, incluindo Angela Kasner, que participou bem da idade adulta. Não apenas como uma pessoa morta nos arquivos, mas como o oficial responsável pela agitação e propaganda, Schoeneich me disse, referindo-se a uma revelação em uma controversa biografia recente, The First Life of Angela M. Ele acrescentou: estou convencido de que poderia obtê-la Doutorado apenas porque ela estava ativa na Juventude Alemã Livre, mesmo em seus dias de pós-graduação. A maioria das pessoas diz que foi forçada, mas eu demonstrei que você não tinha que se juntar a ela. A própria Merkel admitiu que sua participação na Juventude Alemã Livre era um oportunismo de setenta por cento. Schoeneich não tinha permissão para terminar o ensino médio, e ele passou muito de sua vida adiantada na sombra moldada pela oposição de princípios de sua família. Angela Kasner teve outras ideias para o seu futuro e tornou-se, no máximo, um oponente passivo do regime. Evelyn Roll, um dos biógrafos de Merkels, descobriu um documento da Stasi, datado de 1984, baseado em informações fornecidas por um amigo da Merkels. Ele descreveu Merkel como muito crítica em relação ao nosso estado, e prosseguiu, desde a sua fundação, ficou entusiasmada com as demandas e ações da Solidariedade na Polônia. Embora Angela veja o papel principal da União Soviética como a de uma ditadura que todos os outros países socialistas obedeçam, ela é fascinada pela língua russa e pela cultura da União Soviética. Rainer Eppelmann, um valente clérigo dissidente sob o comunismo, que conheceu Merkel logo após a queda do Muro, se recusa a criticá-la. Não julgo os noventa e cinco por cento, ele me disse. A maioria deles era um sussurro. Eles nunca disseram o que pensavam, o que sentiam, o que tinham medo. Ainda hoje, não estavam completamente conscientes do que isso fazia às pessoas. Ele acrescentou: Para ser fiel às suas esperanças, suas ambições, suas crenças, seus sonhos, você tinha que ser um herói vinte e quatro horas por dia. E ninguém pode fazer isso. Depois de 1989, quando a chance veio a participar da política democrática, essas mesmas qualidades se tornaram úteis para Merkel, de uma maneira nova. Eppelmann explicou: "O sussurro pode achar mais fácil aprender nesta nova vida, esperar e ver, e não apenas explodir para pensar as coisas antes de falar. O sussurro pensa: como posso dizer isso sem me danificar. O sussurro é alguém que pode ser comparado com um jogador de xadrez. E tenho a impressão de que ela pensa as coisas com mais cuidado e é sempre umas poucas movidas à frente de seu concorrente. Em 1977, aos vinte e três anos, Angela se casou com um físico, Ulrich Merkel, mas a união fracassou rapidamente, e ela o deixou em 1981. Ela passou a última década moribunda do G. D.R. Como químico quântico da Academia das Ciências do Leste da Alemanha, uma instalação de pesquisa sombria, em frente a um quartel da Stasi, no sudeste de Berlim. Ela co-autor de um artigo intitulado Propriedades Vibracionais de Superfícies de Hidroxilados: Cálculos de Modelos Nãoempíclicos, incluindo Anaratomias. Ela era a única mulher na seção de química teórica, um observador afiado dos outros, intensamente curiosa sobre o mundo. Pessoas que seguiram sua carreira apontam para o hábito científico da Merkels como uma chave para seu sucesso político. Ela é sobre o melhor analista de qualquer situação que eu possa imaginar, disse um alto funcionário em seu governo. Ela olha para vários vetores, extrapola e diz: "É aqui que eu acho que está indo". Treinando para ver o mundo invisível em termos de partículas e ondas, Merkel aprendeu a abordar metodicamente métodos, desenhando comparações, executando cenários, ponderando riscos, antecipando reações e, depois, depois de tomar uma decisão, deixando-o sentar-se por um tempo antes de agir. Uma vez ela contou uma história de sua infância de pé em uma tábua de mergulho durante a hora completa de uma aula de natação até que, no sino, ela finalmente saltou. O desapego científico e o cuidado sob a ditadura podem ser traços complementares, e no caso Merkels foram acompanhados pela reticência, tingida de ironia, de uma mulher que navega num mundo de homens. Uma vez brincou com o tablóide Bild Zeitung. Com auto-depreciação de dois gumes, os homens no laboratório sempre tiveram as mãos em todos os botões ao mesmo tempo. Eu não poderia acompanhar isso, porque estava pensando. E então as coisas de repente foram poof, e o equipamento foi destruído. Ao longo de sua carreira, Merkel fez uma virtude de aguardar seu tempo e manter a boca fechada. Não é uma mulher de fortes emoções, Bernd Ulrich, o editor-adjunto de Die Zeit. disse. Muita emoção perturba sua razão. Ela vê a política como um cientista. Ele a chamou de uma máquina de aprendizagem. Volker Schlndorff, diretor da The Tin Drum e outros filmes, conheceu Merkel nos anos imediatamente após a reunificação. Antes de contradizê-la, você pensaria twiceshe tem a autoridade de alguém que sabe exatamente o que é certo, disse ele. Uma vez que ela tem uma opinião, parece ser fundada, enquanto eu tende a ter opiniões que eu tenho que rever com freqüência. Todas as manhãs, Merkel levou o S-Bahn para a Academia de Ciências de seu apartamento em Prenzlauer Berg, um bairro boêmio perto do centro da cidade. Por vários trechos, seu trem correu paralelamente ao Muro, os telhados de Berlim Ocidental quase ao alcance. Às vezes, ela viajava com um colega, Michael Schindhelm. Você foi confrontado todos os dias, desde a manhã em diante, com o absurdo da cidade, ele me disse. Schindhelm considerou Merkel ser o pesquisador mais sério na seção de química teórica, frustrado por sua falta de acesso às publicações e cientistas ocidentais. Sempre que seus colegas deixaram o prédio para animar a caravana de um convidado de alto nível do mundo comunista a caminho do aeroporto de Schnefeld, ela ficou para trás. Ela realmente queria conseguir algo, disse Schindhelm. Outros simplesmente gostavam de se sentar nesse nicho confortável enquanto o país escorria pelo dreno. Você sabe como alguns escritores são conhecidos como escritor escritor, o que é conhecido como instrutor de condução. Em 1984, Schindhelm e Merkel começaram a compartilhar um escritório e, com o café turco que fez, tornou-se próximo. Ambos tinham uma visão bastante crítica do estado da Alemanha Oriental. Schindhelm passou cinco anos estudando na União Soviética e, quando as notícias da política de perestroika de Mikhail Gorbachev se infiltraram na Alemanha Oriental, através da televisão da Alemanha Ocidental, Merkel questionou-o sobre o potencial de mudanças fundamentais. Ambos sentiram que o mundo do outro lado do Muro era mais desejável do que o seu. (Mais tarde, Schindhelm, que se tornou um diretor de teatro e ópera, foi revelado ter sido forçado pela Stasi a servir de informante, embora ele aparentemente nunca tenha traído ninguém.) Um dia, em 1985, Merkel apareceu no escritório com o Texto de um discurso do presidente da Alemanha Ocidental, Richard von Weizscker, dado no quadragésimo aniversário do fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial. Weizscker falou com honestidade sem precedentes sobre a responsabilidade alemã pelo Holocausto e declarou a derrota do país um dia de libertação. Ele expressou a crença de que os alemães, ao enfrentar o passado, poderiam redefinir sua identidade e futuro. No Ocidente, o discurso tornou-se um marco no retorno do país para a civilização. Mas na Alemanha Oriental, onde a ideologia torcia a história do Terceiro Reich além do reconhecimento, o discurso era praticamente desconhecido. Merkel havia obtido uma cópia rara através de suas conexões na Igreja, e ela ficou profundamente impressionada com isso. Ser um alemão do leste significava manter a fé na idéia da Alemanha, embora muitos alemães ocidentais, que precisavam menos disso, desistiram da reunificação. À medida que a Alemanha Oriental decaiu, seus cidadãos não tinham mais nada para se manter, enquanto os ocidentais tinham sido ensinados a suprimir sentimentos de nacionalidade. As pessoas realmente faltavam identidade, havia um vácuo enorme para dar sentido à sua existência, disse Schindhelm. A emoção de Merkels sobre o discurso mostrou que ela teve uma paixão muito particular pela Alemanha como país, sua história e cultura. No ano seguinte, Merkel recebeu permissão para viajar para Hamburgo para um casamento de primos. Depois de andar nos trens milagrosamente confortáveis através da Alemanha Ocidental, ela voltou para Berlim Oriental, convencida de que o sistema socialista estava condenado. Ela voltou muito impressionada, mas ela voltou, disse Schindhelm. Ela não ficou sem lealdade com o estado, mas porque ela tinha sua rede lá, sua família. Merkel, com trinta e poucos anos, estava ansiosa para 2014, quando ela teria sessenta anos, colecionasse sua pensão estadual e tivesse permissão para viajar para a Califórnia. A segunda vida de Merkels começou na noite de 9 de novembro de 1989. Em vez de se juntar às multidões delirantes que atravessavam o Muro, que acabava de abrir, ela tomou sua sauna regular da quinta-feira-noite com um amigo. Mais tarde, ela atravessou o Oeste com uma multidão no posto de controle de Bornholmer Strasse, mas em vez de continuar com outros Ossis para o distrito comercial de luxo de Kurfrstendamm, ela voltou para casa, para se levantar para o trabalho pela manhã. Suas ações naquela noite importante foram ridiculizadas como sinal de banalidade e falta de sensação. Mas, nos meses seguintes, nenhum alemão do leste aproveitou as novas liberdades com mais fervor do que Merkel. Poucos princípios irredutíveis foram evidentes em sua carreira política, mas um deles é o direito à busca da felicidade. Não há tantos sentimentos que realmente entraram, mas liberdade e liberdade são muito importantes, disse Gring-Eckardt, o líder verde. E, claro, está ligado à experiência de crescer em uma sociedade onde os jornais foram censurados, os livros foram proibidos, a viagem foi proibida. Um mês depois que o Muro caiu, Merkel visitou os escritórios de um novo grupo político chamado Awakening Democrático, que estava perto de seu apartamento. Posso ajudá-lo, ela perguntou. Em breve, ela colocou-se a trabalhar para instalar os computadores do escritório, que foram doados pelo governo da Alemanha Ocidental. Ela continuou voltando, embora no início quase ninguém a notasse. Foi o tipo de momento fluido quando as coisas acontecem rapidamente e o acaso e a circunstância podem fazer toda a diferença. Em março de 1990, o líder do Awakening Democrático, Wolfgang Schnur, foi exposto como um informante da Stasi, e em um conselho de emergência Rainer Eppelmann, o clérigo dissidente, foi escolhido para substituí-lo. Merkel foi convidada a lidar com a barulhenta multidão de jornalistas que estavam fora da porta, e ela fez isso com tanta certeza de que, depois das eleições para o leste da Alemanha de março, Eppelmann sugeriu Merkel como porta-voz do país, primeiro e último primeiro-ministro democraticamente eleito, Lothar De Maizire. Ela estava fugindo do oposto do preguiçoso, lembrou Eppelmann. Ela nunca se colocou em primeiro plano. Ela entendeu que tinha que fazer um trabalho aqui e fazê-lo bem, mas não para ser o chefe. Lothar de Maizire era o chefe. De Maizire já tinha um porta-voz, então Merkel tornou-se deputada. O altofalante de imprensa número 1 mostrou-se enquanto fazia todo o trabalho, disse Eppelmann. Desta forma, ela ganhou a confiança de Maizires, e ele a trouxe com ele nas visitas a capitais estrangeiros. Ele já descreveu Merkel como um típico G. D.R. Cientista, usando uma saia baggy e sandálias de Jesus e um corte de cabelo cortado. Depois de uma viagem no estrangeiro, ele pediu ao gerente do escritório para fazer compras na roupa. In the early nineties, Volker Schlndorff began attending monthly dinners with a small group that included Merkel and her partner, Joachim Sauer, another scientist. (They married in 1998.) Some participants were from the East, others from the West at each meal, the host would narrate his or her upbringing, illuminating what life was like on one side of the divide. Schlndorff found Merkel to be an earnest but witty conversation partner. One evening, at the extremely modest country house that Merkel and Sauer had built, near Templin, she and Schlndorff went for a walk through the fields. We spoke about Germany, what it is going to become, Schlndorff recalled. I was trying irony and sarcasm, which didnt take with her at all. It was as if she were saying, Come on, be serious, matters not to be joked about. Merkels decision to enter politics is the central mystery of an opaque life. She rarely speaks publicly about herself and has never explained her decision. It wasnt a long-term career planlike most Germans, she didnt foresee the abrupt collapse of Communism and the opportunities it created. But when the moment came, and Merkel found herself single and childless in her mid-thirtiesand laboring in an East German institution with no futurea woman of her ambition must have grasped that politics would be the most dynamic realm of the new Germany. And, as Schlndorff dryly put it, With a certain hesitation, she seized the day. Reunification really meant annexation of the East by the West, which required giving East Germans top government positions. Merkels gender and youth made her an especially appealing option. In October, 1990, she won a seat in the new Bundestag, in Bonn, the first capital of reunified Germany. She got herself introduced to Chancellor Helmut Kohl, and de Maizire suggested that Kohl bring her into his cabinet. To Merkels surprise, she was named minister of women and youtha job, she admitted to a journalist, in which she had no interest. She wasnt a feminist politician, nor was economic parity for the former East her cause. She had no political agenda at all. According to Karl Feldmeyer, the political correspondent for the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung . what drove Merkel was her perfect instinct for power, which, for me, is the main characteristic of this politician. Kohl, then at his height as a statesman, presented Merkel to foreign dignitaries as a curiosity, belittling her by calling her mein Mdchen his girl. She had to be taught how to use a credit card. Cabinet meetings were dominated by Kohl, and though Merkel was always well prepared, she seldom spoke. But inside her ministry Merkel was respected for her efficient absorption of information, and feared for her directness and temper. According to her biographer Evelyn Roll, she acquired the nickname Angie the Snake, and a reputation for accepting little criticism. When, in 1994, Merkel was given the environment portfolio, she quickly fired the ministrys top civil servant after he suggested that she would need his help running things. Yes, but know its a recliner. In 1991, Herlinde Koelbl, the photographer, began taking pictures of Merkel and other German politicians for a study called Traces of Power. Her idea was to see how life in the public eye changed them in the course of a decade. Most of the men, such as Gerhard Schrder, a Social Democrat who became Chancellor in 1998, and Joschka Fischer, who became his foreign minister, seemed to swell with self-importance. Merkel remained herself, Koelbl told me: in her body language, a bit awkward. But, she added, You could feel her strength at the beginning. In the first portrait, she has her chin slightly lowered and looks up at the cameranot exactly shy, but watchful. Subsequent pictures display growing confidence. During the sessions, Merkel was always in a hurry, never making small talk. Schrder and Fischer, they are vain, Koelbl said. Merkel is not vainstill. And that helped her, because if youre vain you are subjective. If youre not vain, you are more objective. Democratic politics was a West German game, and Merkel had to learn how to play it in the methodical way that she had learned how to command her body as a little movement idiot of five. She became such an assiduous student that some colleagues from the former East found it unsettling. Petra Pau, a senior member of the Bundestag from Die Linke, once caught Merkel saying we West Germans. But what made Merkel a potentially transformative figure in German politics was that, below the surface, she didnt belong. She joined the Christian Democratic Union after Democratic Awakening merged with it, ahead of the 1990 elections the C. D.U. was more hospitable than the Social Democrats were to liberal-minded East Germans. But the C. D.U. was also a stodgy patriarchy whose base was in the Catholic south. She never became mentally a part of the C. D.U. until now, Feldmeyer, of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung . said. She is strange to everything in the Party. It is only a function of her power, nothing else. Alan Posener, of the conservative newspaper Die Welt . told me, The things that motivate the heartland of the C. D.U. dont mean a thing to herconcerns about working mothers, gay marriage, immigration, divorce. The same was true of the transatlantic alliance with America, the cornerstone of West German security: Posener said that she studied its details in the C. D.U. manual. Michael Naumann, a book publisher and journalist who served as culture minister under Schrder, said, Her attitude toward the United States is a learned attitude. Dirk Kurbjuweit, a biographer of Merkel and a correspondent for Der Spiegel . said, Merkel really is a friend of freedom, because she suffered under not being free in the G. D.R. But in the other way shes a learned democratnot a born democrat, like Americans. West German politicians of Merkels generation were shaped by the culture wars that followed the upheavals of 1968, which didnt touch her at all. Over dinner one night in the mid-nineties, Merkel asked Schlndorff, a former radical, to explain the violence perpetrated by the Baader-Meinhof Group. He told her that young people had needed to break with the authoritarian culture that had never been repudiated in West Germany after the defeat of the Nazis. The more he explained, the less Merkel seemed to sympathizeshe wasnt against authority, just the East German kind. What did kids in the West have to protest about She didnt always hide a feeling that West Germans were like spoiled children. For all the catching up Merkel had to do in her political education, being East German gave her advantages: she had learned self-discipline, strength of will, and silence as essential tools. Feldmeyer said, The G. D.R. shaped her in such an extreme and strong way as no one who grew up in the Federal Republic can imagine. Everything was a question of survival, and it was impossible to make errors if you wanted to succeed. Early in her career, Merkel hired a young C. D.U. worker named Beate Baumann to run her office. Baumann, who remains her most influential adviser, was the perfect No. 2loyal, discreet to the vanishing point, and, according to some insiders, the only aide who addressed the boss with complete candor. Baumann could not be a politician, and Merkel didnt know the West, Bernd Ulrich, of Die Zeit . who knows both women well, told me. So Baumann was her interpreter for everything that was typically West German. Fed up with Kohls smug bullying, the two women practiced a form of invisible cruelty: they played hardball but relished their victories privately, without celebrating in public and making unnecessary enemies. Their style, Ulrich said, is not House of Cards. On one rare occasion, Merkel bared her teeth. In 1996, during negotiations over a nuclear-waste law, Gerhard Schrder, two years away from becoming Chancellor, called her performance as environment minister pitiful. In her interview with Herlinde Koelbl that year, Merkel said, I will put him in the corner, just like he did with me. I still need time, but one day the time will come for this, and I am already looking forward. It took nine years for her to make good on the promise. In 1998, amid a recession, Schrder defeated Kohl and became Chancellor. The next summer, Volker Schlndorff, at a garden party outside his home, in Potsdam, introduced Merkel to a movie producer, half-jokingly calling her Germanys first female Chancellor. Merkel shot Schlndorff a look, as if he had called her bluff How dare you which convinced him that she actually wanted the job. The producer, a C. D.U. member, was incredulous. Schlndorff said, These guys whose party had been in power forever could not imagine that a woman could be Chancellorand from East Germany, no less. In November, 1999, the C. D.U. was engulfed by a campaign-finance scandal, with charges of undisclosed cash donations and secret bank accounts. Kohl and his successor as Party chairman, Wolfgang Schuble, were both implicated, but Kohl was so revered that nobody in the Party dared to criticize him. Merkel, who had risen to secretary-general after the C. D.U. s electoral defeat, saw opportunity. She telephoned Karl Feldmeyer. I would like to give some comments to you in your newspaper, she said. Do you know what you want to say Feldmeyer asked. Ive written it down. Feldmeyer suggested that, instead of doing an interview, she publish an opinion piece. Five minutes later, a fax came through, and Feldmeyer read it with astonishment. Merkel, a relatively new figure in the C. D.U. was calling for the Party to break with its longtime leader. The Party must learn to walk now and dare to engage in future battles with its political opponents without its old warhorse, as Kohl has often enjoyed calling himself, Merkel wrote. We who now have responsibility for the Party, and not so much Helmut Kohl, will decide how to approach the new era. She published the piece without warning the tainted Schuble, the Party chairman. In a gesture that mixed Protestant righteousness with ruthlessness, Kohls Mdchen was cutting herself off from her political father and gambling her career in a naked bid to supplant him. She succeeded. Within a few months, Merkel had been elected Party chairman. Kohl receded into history. She put the knife in his backand turned it twice, Feldmeyer said. That was the moment when many Germans first became aware of Angela Merkel. Years later, Michael Naumann sat next to Kohl at a dinner, and asked him, Herr Kohl, what exactly does she want Power, Kohl said, tersely. He told another friend that championing young Merkel had been the biggest mistake of his life. I brought my killer, Kohl said. I put the snake on my arm. In 2002, Merkel found herself on the verge of losing a Party vote that would determine the C. D.U. s candidate for Chancellor in elections that fall. She hastily arranged a breakfast with her rival, the Bavarian leader Edmund Stoiber, in his home town. Disciplined enough to control her own ambitions, Merkel told Stoiber that she was withdrawing in his favor. Schlndorff sent her a note saying, in effect, Smart move. By averting a loss that would have damaged her future within the Party, Merkel ended up in a stronger position. Stoiber lost to Schrder, and Merkel went on to outmaneuver a series of male heavyweights from the West, waiting for them to make a mistake or eat one another up, before getting rid of each with a little shove. John Kornblum, a former U. S. Ambassador to Germany, who still lives in Berlin, said, If you cross her, you end up dead. Theres nothing cushy about her. Theres a whole list of alpha males who thought they would get her out of the way, and theyre all now in other walks of life. On Merkels fiftieth birthday, in 2004, a conservative politician named Michael Glos published a tribute: Careful: unpretentiousness can be a weapon. One of the secrets of the success of Angela Merkel is that she knows how to deal with vain men. She knows you shoot a mountain cock best when its courting a hen. Angela Merkel is a patient hunter of courting mountain cocks. With the patience of an angel, she waits for her moment. German politics was entering a new era. As the country became more normal, it no longer needed domineering father figures as leaders. Merkel was lucky to live in a period when macho was in decline, Ulrich said. The men didnt notice and she did. She didnt have to fight themit was an aikido politics. Ulrich added, If she knows anything, she knows her macho. She has them for her cereal. Merkels physical haplessness, combined with her emotional opacity, made it hard for her rivals to recognize the threat she posed. Shes very difficult to know, and that is a reason for her success, the longtime political associate said. It seems she is not from this world. Psychologically, she gives everybody the feeling of I will take care of you. When Schrder called early elections in 2005, Merkel became the C. D.U. s candidate for Chancellor. In the politics of macho, Schrder and Fischerworking-class street fighters who loved political argument and expensive wine, with seven ex-wives between themwere preminent. The two men despised Merkel, and the sentiment was reciprocated. According to Dirk Kurbjuweit, of Der Spiegel . Schrder and Fischer sometimes laughed like boys on the playground when Merkel gave speeches in the Bundestag. In 2001, after photographs were published of Fischer assaulting a policeman as a young militant in the seventies, Merkel denounced him, saying that he would be unfit for public life until he atoneda comment that many Germans found strident. During the 2005 campaign, Fischer said in private talks that Merkel was incapable of doing the job. At the time, Schrders Social Democrats ruled in a coalition with the Greens, and the public had grown weary of prolonged economic stagnation. Through most of the campaign, the C. D.U. held a large lead, but the Social Democrats closed the gap, and on Election Night the two parties were virtually tied in the popular vote. Alan Posener, of Die Welt . saw Merkel that night at Party headquartersshe seemed deflated, flanked by C. D.U. politicians she had once disposed of, who didnt conceal their glee. Merkel had made two near-fatal mistakes. First, just before the Iraq Warunpopular in Germany, and repudiated by Schrdershe had published an op-ed in the Washington Post titled Schroeder Doesnt Speak for All Germans, in which she stopped just short of supporting war. One more sentence for Bush and against Schrder, and she would not be Chancellor today, Ulrich said. Second, many of her advisers were free-market proponents who advocated changes to the tax code and to labor policies which went far beyond what German voters would accept. After fifteen years, she still didnt have a fingertip feel for public opinion. On Election Night, Merkel, Schrder, Fischer, and other party leaders gathered in a TV studio to discuss the results. Merkel, looking shell-shocked and haggard, was almost mute. Schrder, his hair colored chestnut and combed neatly back, grinned mischievously and effectively declared himself the winner. I will continue to be Chancellor, he said. Do you really believe that my party would take up an offer from Merkel to talk when she says she would like to become Chancellor I think we should leave the church in the villagethat is, quit dreaming. Many viewers thought he was drunk. As Schrder continued to boast, Merkel slowly came to life, as if amused by the Chancellors performance. She seemed to realize that Schrders bluster had just saved her the Chancellorship. With a slight smile, she put Schrder in his place. Plain and simpleyou did not win today, she said. Indeed, the C. D.U. had a very slim lead. With a little time to think about it, even the Social Democrats will come to accept this as a reality. And I promise we will not turn the democratic rules upside down. Two months later, Merkel was sworn in as Germanys first female Chancellor. Those who know Merkel say that she is as lively and funny in private as she is publicly soporifica split in self-presentation that she learned as a young East German. (Through her spokesman, Merkel, who gives few interviewsalmost always to German publications, and all anodynedeclined to speak to me.) In off-the-record conversations with German journalists, she replays entire conversations with other world leaders, performing wicked imitations. Among her favorite targets have been Kohl, Putin, King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, former Pope Benedict XVI, and Al Gore. (Ah have to teach mah people, she mimics, in a Prussian approximation of central Tennessee.) After one meeting with Nicolas Sarkozy, the French President, during the euro crisis, she told a group of journalists that Sarkozys foot had been nervously jiggling the entire time. Schlndorff once asked Merkel what she and other leaders discuss during photo ops. The Chancellor described one such moment with Dmitri Medvedev, who briefly interrupted Putins fifteen-year reign as Russias President. She and Medvedev were posing for the cameras in Sochi when, gesturing toward the Black Sea, she said, in the Russian she had learned from Frau Benn, President Putin told me that every morning he swims a thousand metres out there. Do you do things like that Medvedev replied, I swim fifteen hundred metres. To Schlndorff, the story showed that, even when she is involved, she is never so totally involved that she could not observe the way people behave and be somehow amused by it. She is a master of listening, the longtime political associate said. In a conversation, she speaks twenty per cent, you speak eighty per cent. She gives everybody the feeling I want to hear what you have to say, but the truth is that her judgment is made within three minutes, and sometimes she thinks another eighteen minutes are wasted time. She is like a computerIs this possible, what this man proposes Shes able in a very quick time to realize if its fantasy. Nor is she above embarrassing her minions. Once, in a hotel room in Vienna, in the company of Chancellery aides and foreign-ministry officials, Merkel was telling comical stories of camping trips shed taken as a student. Her aides fell over themselves laughing, until Merkel cut them short: Ive told you this before. The aides insisted that theyd never heard the stories before, but it didnt matter: Madame Chancellor was calling them sycophants. After last years elections, she met with the Social Democratic leader, Sigmar Gabriel, who is now her economics minister. Gabriel introduced Merkel to one of his aides, saying, Hes been keeping an eye on me for the past few years. He makes sure I dont do anything stupid in public. Merkel shot back, And sometimes its worked. Schadenfreude is Merkels way of having fun, Kurbjuweit said. Throughout her Chancellorship, Merkel has stayed as close as possible to German public opinion. Posener said that, after nearly losing to Schrder, she told herself, Im going to be all things to all people. Critics and supporters alike describe her as a gifted tactician without a larger vision. Kornblum, the former Ambassador, once asked a Merkel adviser about her long-term view. The Chancellors long-term view is about two weeks, the adviser replied. The pejorative most often used against her is opportunist. When I asked Katrin Gring-Eckardt, the Green leader, whether Merkel had any principles, she paused, then said, She has a strong value of freedom, and everything else is negotiable. (Other Germans added firm support for Israel to the list.) People say theres no project, theres no idea, the senior official told me. Its just a zigzag of smart moves for nine years. But, he added, She would say that the times are not conducive to great visions. Americans dont like to think of our leaders as having no higher principles. We want at least a suggestion of the vision thingGeorge H. W. Bushs derisive term, for which he was derided. But Germany remains so traumatized by the grand ideologies of its past that a politics of no ideas has a comforting allure. The most daunting challenge of Merkels time in office has been the euro-zone crisis, which threatened to bring down economies across southern Europe and jeopardized the integrity of the euro. To Merkel, the crisis confirmed that grand visions can be dangerous. Kohl, who thought in historical terms, had tied Germany to a European currency without a political union that could make it work. Its now a machine from hell, the senior official said. Shes still trying to repair it. Merkels decisions during the crisis reflect the calculations of a politician more mindful of her constituency than of her place in history. When Greek debt was revealed to be at critical levels, she was slow to commit German taxpayers money to a bailout fund, and in 2011 she blocked a French and American proposal for cordinated European action. Germany had by far the strongest economy in Europe, with a manufacturing base and robust exports that benefitted from the weakening of the euro. Under Schrder, Germany had instituted reforms in labor and welfare policies that made the country more competitive, and Merkel arrived just in time to reap the benefit. Throughout the crisis, Merkel buried herself in the economic details and refused to get out in front of what German voterswho tended to regard the Greeks as spendthrift and lazywould accept, even if delaying prolonged the ordeal and, at key moments from late 2011 through the summer of 2012, threatened the euro itself. The novelist and journalist Peter Schneider compared her to a driver in foggy weather: You only see five metres, not one hundred metres, so its better you are very careful, you dont say too much, you act from step to step. No vision at all. Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg, who was Germanys defense minister between 2009 and 2011, said that Merkel took a Machiavellian approach to the crisis. She had the stamina to keep her options open as long as possible, and then veiled her decisions behind the cloud of complexity. Guttenberg said, This made it easier for her to change her mind several times rather dramatically, but at the time no one noticed at all. In the end, under pressure from other European leaders and President Obama, Merkel endorsed a plan for the European Central Bank to prevent Greek sovereign default by buying bondsmuch as the Federal Reserve had done during the U. S. financial crisis. In exchange, the countries of southern Europe submitted to strict budget rules and E. U. oversight of their central banks. Merkel realized that she could not allow the euro-zone crisis to capsize the project of European unity. If the euro falls, then Europe falls, she declared. The euro was saved, but at the price of ruinous austerity policies and high unemployment. Across much of Europe, Merkelthat Protestant ministers daughteris resented as a rigid, self-righteous puritan, while support for the E. U. has fallen to historic lows. Merkels commitment to a united Europe is not that of an idealist. Rather, it comes from her sense of German interesta soft form of nationalism that reflects the countrys growing confidence and strength. The historic German problem, which Henry Kissinger described as being too big for Europe, too small for the world, can be overcome only by keeping Europe together. Kurbjuweit said, She needs Europe becausethis is hard to say, but its trueEurope makes Germany bigger. Yet Merkels austerity policies have helped make Europe weaker, and Europes weakness has begun affecting Germany, whose export-driven economy depends on its neighbors for markets. The German economy has slowed this year, while European growth is anemic. Nevertheless, Germany remains committed to a balanced budget in 2015, its first since 1969, and is standing in the way of a euro-zone monetary policy of stimulating growth by buying up debt. In recent weeks, with global markets falling, a divide has opened between Merkel and other European leaders. After 2005, Merkel had to mute her free-market thinking at home in order to preserve her political viability. Instead, she exported the ideas to the rest of the Continent, applying them with no apparent regard for macroeconomic conditions, as if the virtues of thrift and discipline constituted the mission of a resurgent Germany in Europe. Merkel is obsessed with demography and economic competitiveness. She loves reading charts. In September, one of her senior aides showed me a stack of them that the Chancellor had just been examining they showed the relative performance of different European economies across a variety of indicators. In unit-labor costs, he pointed out, Germany lies well below the euro-zone average. But the population of Germanythe largest of any nation in Europeis stagnant and aging. A country like that cannot run up more and more debt, the senior aide said. Stefan Reinecke, of the left-wing daily Die Tageszeitung . said, Half an hour into every speech she gives, when everyone has fallen asleep, she says three things. She says Europe has just seven per cent of the worlds people, twenty-five per cent of the economic output, but fifty per cent of the social welfareand we have to change this. Merkel frets that Germany has no Silicon Valley. Theres no German Facebook, no German Amazon, her senior aide said. There is this German tendency, which you can see in Berlin: were so affluent that we assume we always will be, even though we dont know where it will come from. Completely complacent. It makes Germans acutely uneasy that their country is too strong while Europe is too weak, but Merkel never discusses the problem. Joschka Fischerwho has praised Merkel on other issuescriticizes this silence. Intellectually, its a big, big challenge to transform national strength into European strength, he said. And the majority of the political and economic lite in Germany has not a clue about that, including the Chancellor. The two world leaders with whom Merkel has her most important and complex relationships are Obama, who has won her reluctant respect, and Putin, who has earned her deep distrust. When the Wall fell, Putin was a K. G.B. major stationed in Dresden. He used his fluent German and a pistol to keep a crowd of East Germans from storming the K. G.B. bureau and looting secret files, which he then destroyed. Twelve years later, a far more conciliatory Putin, by then Russias President, addressed the Bundestag in the language of Goethe, Schiller, and Kant, declaring that Russia is a friendly-minded European country whose main goal is a stable peace on this continent. Putin praised democracy and denounced totalitarianism, receiving an ovation from an audience that included Merkel. After decades of war, destruction, and occupation, German-Russian relations returned to the friendlier dynamic that had prevailed before the twentieth century. German policymakers spoke of a strategic partnership and a rapprochement through economic interlocking. In 2005, Schrder approved the construction of a gas pipeline that crossed the Baltic Sea into Russia. He and Putin developed a friendship, with Schrder calling Putin a flawless democrat. In the past decade, Germany has become one of Russias largest trading partners, and Russia now provides Germany with forty per cent of its gas. Two hundred thousand Russian citizens live in Germany, and Russia has extensive connections inside the German business community and in the Social Democratic Party. As a Russian speaker who hitchhiked through the Soviet republics in her youth, Merkel has a feel for Russias aspirations and resentments which Western politicians lack. In her office, theres a framed portrait of Catherine the Great, the Prussian-born empress who led Russia during a golden age in the eighteenth century. But, as a former East German, Merkel has few illusions about Putin. After Putins speech at the Bundestag, Merkel told a colleague, This is typical K. G.B. talk. Never trust this guy. Ulrich, of Die Zeit . said, Shes always been skeptical of Putin, but she doesnt detest him. Detesting would be too much emotion. According to the map, the treasure should be right behind this door. When Putin and Merkel meet, they sometimes speak in German (hes better in her language than she is in his), and Putin corrects his own interpreter to let Merkel know that nothing is lost on him. Putins brand of macho elicits in Merkel a kind of scientific empathy. In 2007, during discussions about energy supplies at the Russian Presidents residence in Sochi, Putin summoned his black Lab, Koni, into the room where he and Merkel were seated. As the dog approached and sniffed her, Merkel froze, visibly frightened. Shed been bitten once, in 1995, and her fear of dogs couldnt have escaped Putin, who sat back and enjoyed the moment, legs spread wide. Im sure it will behave itself, he said. Merkel had the presence of mind to reply, in Russian, It doesnt eat journalists, after all. The German press corps was furious on her behalfready to hit Putin, according to a reporter who was present. Later, Merkel interpreted Putins behavior. I understand why he has to do thisto prove hes a man, she told a group of reporters. Hes afraid of his own weakness. Russia has nothing, no successful politics or economy. All they have is this. In early 2008, when President George W. Bush sought to bring Ukraine and Georgia into NATO . Merkel blocked the move out of concern for Russias reaction and because it could cause destabilization along Europes eastern edge. Later that year, after Russia invaded two regions of Georgia, Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Merkel changed her position and expressed openness to Georgias joining NATO . She remained careful to balance European unity, the alliance with America, German business interests, and continued engagement with Russia. Kaiser Wilhelm I is supposed to have remarked that only Bismarck, who tied Germany to a set of countervailing alliances, could juggle four or five balls. Bismarcks successor, Leo von Caprivi, complained that he could barely manage two, and in 1890 he ended Germanys treaty with Russia, helping set the stage for the First World War. When, this past March, Russia annexed Crimea and incited a separatist war in eastern Ukraine, it fell to Merkel to succeed where earlier German leaders had catastrophically failed. The Russian aggression in Ukraine stunned the history-haunted, rule-upholding Germans. Putin surprised everyone, including Merkel, her senior aide told me. The swiftness, the brutality, the coldheartedness. Its just so twentieth centurythe tanks, the propaganda, the agents provocateurs. Suddenly, everyone in Berlin was reading Christopher Clarks The Sleepwalkers, about the origins of the First World War. The moral that many Germans drew was to tread carefullysmall fires could quickly turn into conflagrations. During a discussion about the First World War with students at the German Historical Museum, Merkel said, I am regarded as a permanent delayer sometimes, but I think it is essential and extremely important to take people along and really listen to them in political talks. Merkel ruled out military options, yet declared that Russias actions were unacceptableterritorial integrity was an inviolable part of Europes postwar orderand required a serious Western response. For the first time in her Chancellorship, she didnt have the public with her. In early polls, a plurality of Germans wanted Merkel to take a middle position between the West and Russia. A substantial minorityespecially in the former Eastsympathized with Russias claim that NATO expansion had pushed Putin to act defensively, and that Ukrainian leaders in Kiev were Fascist thugs. Helmut Schmidt, the Social Democratic former Chancellor, expressed some of these views, as did Gerhard Schrderwho had become a paid lobbyist for a company controlled by the Russian state oil-and-gas giant Gazprom, and who celebrated his seventieth birthday with Putin, in St. Petersburg, a month after Russia annexed Crimea. The attitude of Schmidt and Schrder deeply embarrassed the Social Democrats. A gap opened up between lite and popular opinion: newspapers editorializing for a hard line against Russia were inundated with critical letters. Merkel, true to form, did nothing to try to close the divide. For most Germans, the crisis inspired a combination of indifference and anxiety. Ukraine was talked about, if at all, as a far-off place, barely a part of Europe (not as the victim of huge German crimes in the Second World War). Germans resented having their beautiful sleep disturbed. The majority want peace and to live a comfortable life, Alexander Rahr, a Russian energy expert who advises the German oil-and-gas company Wintershall, said. They dont want conflict or a new Cold War. For this, they wish the U. S. would stay away from Europe. If Russia wants Ukraine, which not so many people have sympathy with, let them have it. In a way, Germanys historical guiltwhich includes more than twenty million Soviet dead in the Second World Waradds to the countrys passivity. A sense of responsibility for the past demands that Germany do nothing in the present. Ulrich, of Die Zeit . expressed the point brutally: We once killed so muchtherefore, we cant die today. Germans and Russians are bound together by such terrible memories that any suggestion of conflict leads straight to the unthinkable. Michael Naumann put the Ukraine crisis in the context of this enormous emotional nexus between perpetrator and victim, one that leaves Germans perpetually in the weaker position. In 1999, Naumann, at that time the culture minister under Schrder, tried to negotiate the return of five million artifacts taken out of East Germany by the Russians after the Second World War. During the negotiations, he and his Russian counterpart, Nikolai Gubenko, shared their stories. Naumann, who was born in 1941, lost his father a year later, at the Battle of Stalingrad. Gubenko was also born in 1941, and his father was also killed in action. Five months later, Gubenkos mother was hanged by the Germans. Checkmate, the Russian told the German. Both men cried. There was nothing to negotiate, Naumann recalled. He said, We will not give anything back, as long as I live. Merkel takes a characteristically unsentimental view of Russia. Alexander Lambsdorff, a German member of the European Parliament, said, She thinks of Russia as a traditional hegemonic power that was subdued for a while and now has remerged. Ukraine forced Merkel into a juggling act worthy of Bismarck, and she began spending two or three hours daily on the crisis. Publicly, she said little, waiting for Russian misbehavior to bring the German public around. She needed to keep her coalition in the Bundestag on board, including the more pro-Russian Social Democrats. And she had to hold Europe together, which meant staying in close touch with twenty-seven other leaders and understanding each ones constraints: how sanctions on Russia would affect Londons financial markets whether the French would agree to suspend delivery of amphibious assault ships already sold to the Russians whether Poland and the Baltic states felt assured of NATO s support the influence of Russian propaganda in Greece Bulgarias dependence on Russian gas. For sanctions to bite, Europe had to remain united. Merkel also needed to keep open her channel to Putin. Even after the E. U. passed its first round of sanctions, in March, it was not German policy to isolate Russiathe two countries are too enmeshed. Merkel is Putins most important interlocutor in the West they talk every week, if not more often. Shes talked to Putin more than Obama, Hollande, and Cameron combined have over these past months, the senior official said. She has a way of talking to him that nobody has. Cameron and Hollande call him to be able to say theyre world leaders and had the conversation. Merkel can be tough to the point of unpleasantness, while offering Putin ways out of his own mess. Above all, she tries to understand how he thinks. With Russia now, when one feels very angry I force myself to talk regardless of my feelings, she said at the German Historical Museum. And every time I do this I am surprised at how many other views you can have on a matter which I find totally clear. Then I have to deal with those views, and this can also trigger something new. Soon after the annexation of Crimea, Merkel reportedly told Obama that Putin was living in another world. She set about bringing him back to reality. A German official told me, The Chancellor thinks Putin believes that were decadent, were gay, we have women with beardsa reference to Conchita Wurst, an Austrian drag queen who won the 2014 Eurovision song contest. That its a strong Russia of real men versus the decadent West thats too pampered, too spoiled, to stand up for their beliefs if it costs them one per cent of their standard of living. Thats his wager. We have to prove its not true. Its true enough that, if Merkel were to make a ringing call to defend Western values against Russian aggression, her domestic support would evaporate. When eight members of a European observer group, including four Germans, were taken hostage by pro-Russian separatists in Aprilpractically a casus belli, had they been Americansthe German government simply asked Putin to work for their release. Merkel was playing the game that had been successful for her in German politics: waiting for her adversary to self-destruct. On at least one phone call, Putin lied to Merkel, something that he hadnt done in the past. In May, after Ukrainian separatists organized a widely denounced referendum, the official Russian statement was more positive than the stance that Merkel believed she and Putin had agreed on in advance. She cancelled their call for the following weekshe had been misled, and wanted him to sense her anger. The Russians were stunned, the senior official said. How could she cut the link Germany was the one country that Russia could not afford to lose. Karl-Georg Wellmann, a member of parliament from Merkels party, who sits on the foreign-affairs committee, said that, as the crisis deepened and Germans began pulling capital out of Russia, Kremlin officials privately told their German counterparts that they wanted a way out: We went too farwhat can we do In Moscow restaurants, after the third vodka, the Russians would raise the ghosts of 1939: If we got together, Germany and Russia, we would be the strongest power in the world. On June 6th, in Normandy, Merkel and Putin met for the first time since the crisis began, along with Obama, Hollande, Cameron, and Petro Poroshenko, the newly elected President of Ukraine, to commemorate the seventieth anniversary of D Day. News photographs showed Merkel greeting Putin like a disapproving hostesslips pursed, eyebrows archedwhile Putins hard features came as close to ingratiation as is physically possible. In the optics of power, she was winning. This political isolation hurts him, her senior aide said. He doesnt like to be left out. (Russia had just been suspended from the Group of Eight.) Later, before lunch, Merkel orchestrated a brief conversation between Putin and Poroshenko. On the anniversary of D Day, Germanys leader was at the center of everything. As Kurbjuweit put it, That was astonishing, to see all the winners of the Second World War, and to see the loser and the country which was responsible for all thisand shes the leader, everyone wants to talk to her That is very, very strange. And this is only possible, I think, because its Merkelbecause shes so nice and quiet. The final ball Merkel has to keep in the air is the American one. Her opinion of Barack Obama has risen as his popularity has declined. In July, 2008, as a Presidential candidate, Obama wanted to speak at the Brandenburg Gate, in Berlinthe historic heart of the city, a location reserved for heads of state and government, not U. S. senators. Merkel rebuffed the request, so instead Obama spoke about European-American unity at the Victory Column, in the Tiergarten, before two hundred thousand delirious fansa crowd Merkel could never have mustered, let alone mesmerized. What puts her off about Obama is his high-flying rhetoric, the senior official said. She distrusts it, and shes no good at it. She says, I want to see if he can deliver. If you want to sum up her philosophy, its under-promise and over-deliver. In Obamas first years in office, Merkel was frequently and unfavorably compared with him, and the criticism annoyed her. According to Stern . her favorite joke ends with Obama walking on water. She does not really think Obama is a helpful partner, Torsten Krauel, a senior writer for Die Welt . said. She thinks he is a professor, a loner, unable to build coalitions. Merkels relationship with Bush was much warmer than hers with Obama, the longtime political associate said. A demonstrative man like Bush sparks a response, whereas Obama and Merkel are like two hit men in the same room. They dont have to talkboth are quiet, both are killers. For weeks in 2011 and 2012, amid American criticism of German policy during the euro-zone crisis, there was no contact between Merkel and Obamashe would ask for a conversation, but the phone call from the White House never came. As she got to know Obama better, though, she came to appreciate more the ways in which they were alikeanalytical, cautious, dry-humored, remote. Benjamin Rhodes, Obamas deputy national-security adviser, told me that the President thinks theres not another leader hes worked closer with than her. He added, Theyre so different publicly, but theyre actually quite similar. (Ulrich joked, Obama is Merkel in a better suit.) During the Ukraine crisis, the two have consulted frequently on the timing of announcements and been careful to keep the American and the European positions close. Obama is the antithesis of the swaggering leaders whom Merkel specializes in eating for breakfast. On a trip to Washington, she met with a number of senators, including the Republicans John McCain, of Arizona, and Jeff Sessions, of Alabama. She found them more preoccupied with the need to display toughness against Americas former Cold War adversary than with events in Ukraine themselves. (McCain called Merkels approach milquetoast.) To Merkel, Ukraine was a practical problem to be solved. This mirrored Obamas view. On the day I spoke with Rhodes, July 17th, the TV in his office, in the White House basement, showed the debris of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 strewn across a field in eastern Ukraine. The cause of the crash wasnt yet clear, but Rhodes said, If it was a Russian shoot-down, and Americans and Europeans were on board, thats going to change everything. In Germany, the change happened immediately. The sight of separatist fighters looting the belongings of dead passengers who had been shot out of the sky hit Germans more personally than months of ugly fighting among Ukrainians had. A civilian airliner, Dutch victims: People realized that the sentimental attitude toward Putin and Russia was based on false assumptions, a German diplomat said. The idea of maintaining equidistance between Russia and the West on Ukraine vanished. Though the crisis was beginning to hurt the German economy, Merkel now had three-quarters of the public behind her. In late July, the E. U. agreed on a sweeping new round of financial and energy sanctions. Since then, Russian troops and weapons have crossed the border in large numbers, and the war has grown worse. In a speech in Australia last week, Merkel warned that Russian aggression was in danger of spreading, and she called for patience in a long struggle: Who wouldve thought that twenty-five years after the fall of the Wall. something like that can happen right at the heart of Europe But, on the day she spoke, the E. U. failed to pass a new round of sanctions against Russia. Guttenberg, the former defense minister, said, We are content with keeping the status quo, and kicking the can up the roadnot downand it keeps falling back on our feet. The close coperation behind the scenes between Washington and Berlin coincides with a period of public estrangement. Germans told me that anti-Americanism in Germany is more potent now than at any time since the cruise-missile controversy of the early eighties. The proximate cause is the revelation, last fall, based on documents leaked by Edward Snowden to Der Spiegel . that the National Security Agency had been recording Merkels cell-phone calls for a decade. Merkel, ever impassive, expressed more annoyance than outrage, but with the German public the sense of betrayal was deep. It hasnt subsidedN. S.A. transgressions came up in almost every conversation I had in Berlinparticularly because Obama, while promising that the eavesdropping had stopped, never publicly apologized. (He conveyed his regret to Merkel privately.) Tapping her phone is more than impolite, Rainer Eppelmann, the former East German dissident, said. Its something you just dont do. Friends dont spy on friends. (American officials I spoke with, though troubled by the effects of the breach, rolled their eyes over German navet and hypocrisy, since the spying goes both ways.) The post-touchdown celebrations are getting out of hand. December 19, 2011 German officials approached the Americans for a no-spy agreement, and were refused. The U. S. has no such arrangement with any country, including those in the so-called Five Eyesthe English-speaking allies that share virtually all intelligence. German officials claimed that the U. S. offered membership in the Five Eyes, then withdrew the offer. The Americans denied it. It was never seriously discussed, a senior Administration official said. Five Eyes isnt just an agreement. Its an infrastructure developed over sixty years. I tend to believe them, the German diplomat said. The Germans didnt want Five Eyes when we learned about it. Were not in a position, legally, to join, because our intelligence is so limited in scope. In July, officials of the German Federal Intelligence Service, or B. N.D. arrested a bureaucrat in their Munich office on suspicion of spying for the U. S. He had been caught soliciting business from the Russians via Gmail, and, when the Germans asked their American counterparts for information on the man, his account was suddenly shut down. Brought in for questioning, he admitted having passed documents (apparently innocuous) to a C. I.A. agent in Austria for two years, for which he was paid twenty-five thousand euros. The Germans retaliated, in unprecedented fashion, by expelling the C. I.A. station chief in Berlin. Coming soon after the N. S.A. revelations, this second scandal was worse than a crimeit was a blunder. Merkel was beside herself with exasperation. No U. S. official, in Washington or Berlin, seemed to have weighed the intelligence benefits against the potential political costs. The President didnt know about the spy. Its fair to say the President should expect people would take into account political dynamics in making judgments about what we do and dont do in Germany, Rhodes said. The spying scandals have undermined German public support for the NATO alliance just when its needed most in the standoff with Russia. Lambsdorff, the E. U. parliamentarian, told me, When I stand before constituents and say, We need a strong relationship with the U. S., they say, Whats the point They lie to us. Germanys rise to preminence in Europe has made Merkel a committed transatlanticist, but thats useless now, Lambsdorff said. It deducts from her capital. Rebuffing Washington is good now in Germany. Obama was concerned enough to dispatch his chief of staff, Denis McDonough, to Berlin in late July, to mollify German officials. During a four-hour meeting, they agreed to create a framework for clearer rules about spying and intelligence sharing. But the details remain to be worked out, and barely half the German public now expresses a favorable view of the U. S.the lowest level in Europe, other than in perpetually hostile Greece. In a sense, German anti-Americanism is always waiting to be tapped. Theres a left-wing, anti-capitalist strain going back to the sixties, and a right-wing, anti-democratic version thats even older. In the broad middle, where German politics plays out today, many Germans, especially older ones, once regarded the U. S. as the father of their democracya role that sets America up to disappoint. Peter Schneider, the novelist and journalist, expressed the attitude this way: You have created a model of a savior, and now we find by looking at you that you are not perfect at allmuch less, you are actually corrupt, you are terrible businessmen, you have no ideals anymore. With the Iraq War, Guantnamo, drones, the unmet expectations of the Obama Presidency, and now spying, you actually have acted against your own promises, and so we feel very deceived. Beneath the rise in anti-Americanism and the German sympathy with Russia, something deeper might be at work. During the First World War, Thomas Mann put aside writing The Magic Mountain and began composing a strange, passionate series of essays about Germany and the war. They were published in 1918, just before the Armistice, as Reflections of a Nonpolitical Man. In it, Mann embraced the German cause in terms of national character and philosophy. He allied himself, as an artist, with Germanyculture, soul, freedom, artagainst the liberal civilization of France and England that his older brother Heinrich supported, where intellect was always politicized. German tradition was authoritarian, conservative, and nonpoliticalcloser to the Russian spirit than to the shallow materialism of democratic Europe. The war represented Germanys age-old rebellion against the West. Imperial Germany refused to accept at gunpoint the universal principles of equality and human rights. Though Mann became a vocal supporter of democratic values in exile during the Nazi years, he never repudiated Reflections. Several people in Berlin suggested that this difficult, forgotten book had something to say about Germany in the age of Merkel. The countrys peaceful reunification and its strength through the euro crisis might be returning Germany to an identity thats older than the postwar Federal Republic, whose Basic Law was written under heavy American influence. West Germany was a good country, Georg Diez, a columnist and author, told me. It was young, sexy, daring, WesternAmerican. But maybe it was only a skin. Germany is becoming more German, less Western. Germany has discovered its national roots. Diez didnt mean that this was a good thing. He meant that Germany is becoming less democratic, because what Germans fundamentally want is stability, security, economic growthabove all, to be left in peace while someone else watches their money and keeps their country out of wars. They have exactly the Chancellor they want. Merkel took the politics out of politics, Diez said. Merkel, at sixty, is the most successful politician in modern German history. Her popularity floats around seventy-five per centunheard of in an era of resentment toward elected leaders. Plainness remains her political signature, with inflections of Protestant virtue and Prussian uprightness. Once, with a group of journalists at a hotel bar in the Middle East, she said, Can you believe it Here I am, the Chancellor What am I doing here When I was growing up in the G. D.R. we imagined capitalists with long black cloaks and top hats and cigars and big feet, like cartoons. And now here I am, and they have to listen to me Of course, theres something calculated about her public image. Shes so careful not to show any pretensionswhich is a kind of pretension, the senior official said. Merkel still lives in central Berlin, in a rent-controlled apartment across a canal from the Pergamon, the great neoclassical antiquities museum. The name on the brass buzzer is her husbands PROF. DR. SAUER and a solitary policeman stands outside. Dwarfed by her vast office in the massive concrete-and-glass Chancellery, Merkel works at an ordinary writing table just inside the door, preferring it to the thirteen-foot black slab that Schrder installed at the far end of the room. This woman is neurotically busy, the longtime political associate said. She sleeps never more than five hours. I can call her at one oclock at night. Shes awake reading bureaucratic papers, not literature. Merkel entertains guests at the Chancellery with German comfort foodpotato soup and stuffed cabbage. When she eats at her favorite Italian restaurant, its with just a few friends, and she doesnt look up from the conversation to greet her public, who know to leave her alone. When her husband calls the Philharmoniker for tickets (Merkel and Sauer are music lovers, with a passion for Wagner and Webern) and is offered comps, he insists on giving his credit-card number, and the couple take their seats almost unnoticed. A friend of mine once sat next to Merkel at the salon she frequents, off Kurfrstendamm, and they chatted about hair. Color is the most important thing for a woman, the Chancellor, whose hair style is no longer the object of ridicule, offered. And thats how babies are made. October 15, 2012 Earlier this year, President Joachim Gauck made headlines when he called on Germany to take its global responsibilities more seriously, including its role in military affairs. It was the kind of speech that Merkel (who had no comment) would never give, especially after a poll commissioned by the foreign ministry in May showed that sixty per cent of the public was skeptical of greater German involvement in the world. German journalists find Merkel nearly impossible to cover. We have to look for topics in the pudding, Ulrich Schulte, who reports on the Chancellor for Die Tageszeitung . said. The private Merkel they admire and enjoy but are forbidden to quote disappears in public. Any aide or friend who betrays the smallest confidence is cast out. The German media, reflecting the times, are increasingly centrist, preoccupied with wellness and other life-style issues. Almost every political reporter I spoke with voted for Merkel, despite the sense that shes making their work irrelevant. There was no reason not to. Meanwhile, Merkel has neutralized the opposition, in large part by stealing its issues. She has embraced labor unions, lowered the retirement age for certain workers, and increased state payments to mothers and the old. (She told Dirk Kurbjuweit, of Der Spiegel . that, as Germany aged, she depended more on elderly voters.) In 2011, the Fukushima nuclear disaster, in Japan, shocked Merkel, and she reversed her position on nuclear power: Germany would phase it out through the next decade, while continuing to lead the worlds large industrial economies in solar and wind energy. (A quarter of the countrys energy now comes from renewable sources.) Meanwhile, shes tried to rid her party of intolerant ideasfor example, by speaking out for the need to be more welcoming to immigrants. Supporters of the Social Democrats and the Greens have fewer and fewer reasons to vote at all, and turnout has declined. Schneider, a leading member of the generation of 68, said, This is the genius of Angela Merkel: she has actually made party lines senseless. This fall, in elections held in three states of the former East Germany, a new right-wing party, Alternative for Germany (AfD), showed strength, capturing as much as ten per cent of the vote. AfD wants Germany to withdraw from the euro zone and opposes Merkels liberal policies on gay marriage and immigration. In moving her own party to the center, Merkel has created a space in German politics for a populist equivalent to Frances Front National and the United Kingdom Independence Party. If the German economy continues to slow, Merkel will find it hard to float unchallenged above party politics as Mutti, the World Cup-winning soccer teams biggest fan. For now, the most pressing political question in Berlin is whether shell stand for a fourth term, in 2017. Joschka Fischer described Germany under Merkel as returning to the Biedermeier period, the years between the end of the Napoleonic Wars, in 1815, and the liberal revolutions of 1848, when Central Europe was at peace and the middle class focussed on its growing wealth and decorative style. She is governing Germany in a period where the sun is shining every day, and thats the dream of every democratically elected politician, Fischer saidbut there is no intellectual debate. I suggested that every Biedermeier has to end. Yes, he said. Mostly in a clash. A political consensus founded on economic success, with a complacent citizenry, a compliant press, and a vastly popular leader who rarely deviates from public opinionMerkels Germany is reminiscent of Eisenhowers America. But what Americans today might envy, with our intimations of national decline, makes thoughtful Germans uneasy. Their democracy is not old enough to be given a rest. We got democracy from you, as a gift I would say, in the forties and fifties, Kurbjuweit told me. But Im not sure if these democratic attitudes are very well established in my country. We Germans always have to practice democracywere still on the training program. Kurbjuweit has just published a book called There Is No Alternative. Its a phrase that Merkel coined for her euro policy, but Kurbjuweit uses it to describe the Chancellors success in draining all the blood out of German politics. I dont say democracy will disappear if Merkel is Chancellor for twenty years, he said. But I think democracy is on the retreat in the world, and there is a problem with democracy in our country. You have to keep the people used to the fact that democracy is a pain in the ass, and that they have to fight, and that everyone is a politiciannot only Merkel. George Packer became a staff writer in 2003. Where to Go, what to doForbes allows marketers to connect directly with the Forbes audience by enabling them to create content and participate in the conversation on the Forbes digital publishing platform. Cada um é produzido pelo comerciante. Mais aqui. Ou contate-nos diretamente na marca. As opiniões expressadas pela Forbes Contribuintes são próprias. Should You Quit The Internet Americans in the aggregate check their devices over 9 billion times a day. Can users moderate their time spent online or should they opt out Recommended The NFL Star With A Big Imagination Life is about more than football for New England Patriots tight end and 30 Under 30 honoree Martellus Bennett. Inspirado por sua filha, ele iniciou sua própria empresa de multimídia para libertar seu lado criativo. Top-Earning Holiday Movies Which holiday movies have been the most profitable since 1980 Take a guess. What Does The Trump Presidency Really Mean For Your Healthcare Forbes Avik Roy discusses what might change and what might stay the same under Trumps presidency. Seven Small Things People Use To Decide If They Like You Research shows that people focus on seven specific behaviors in evaluating your personality. Be ready for them so that you can make a strong impression. How you treat waiters and receptionist Americans in the aggregate check their devices over 9 billion times a day. Can users moderate their time spent online or should they opt out Facebook Challenges 2 Billion Lawsuit Alleging Oculus Stole Key Technology Facebook is challenging a 2 billion lawsuit alleging Oculus stole key technology. Facebook acquired the Oculus VR headset maker in 2014 for 2 billion. Video game company How Samsung And Qualcomm Are Driving Towards Connected Cars Samsung and Qualcomm have both invested record sums for a ticket into the fast-growing connect car market. Qualcomm agreed to acquire NXP for about 38 billionthe largest chip deal in Highlights of the mobility concepts featured at the North American International Auto Show. O maior pagamento de empregos na América em 2017 Quer saltar em uma carreira para um salário mais alto Estas ocupações vêem os maiores pagamentos, de acordo com o LinkedIn. 10. Conselho jurídico superior: 175.000 salário base mediano 9.Psiquiatra: 218 mil médios BMW estrearam a série 5 da 5ª geração no 2017 North American International Auto Show em Detroit. O Stinger oferece novos looks e capacidades dos carros Kia do passado. 10 maneiras garantidas de aparecer mais inteligentes do que você é Como as pessoas inteligentes pensam que você é muitas vezes é tão importante quanto você é realmente inteligente. Certos comportamentos possuem poder especial para ampliar sua inteligência aos olhos dos outros. Aqui estão 10 você pode 6 maneiras de dizer se você é bom com dinheiro Acompanhe essas medidas financeiras ano a ano para ver o quão bom você está com o seu dinheiro. Seu patrimônio líquido: Comece com uma demonstração financeira simples, uma avaliação de uma página de valor líquido para lhe dar um baseline. As viagens de negócios podem ser solitárias. Superar os sentimentos de tristeza na estrada com essas dicas. Atlassian adquire um aplicativo de produtividade de equipe popular Trello Para 425 milhões de empresas australianas de tecnologia Atlassian adquiriu o fabricante de software da equipe popular Trello na segunda-feira por 425 milhões. O acordo, por 360 milhões em dinheiro e o resto em estoque, é como ganhar dinheiro quando alguém deseja escolher seu cérebro. Alguém perguntou se eles poderiam escolher seu cérebro ou mencionaram que eles querem colaborar. Muitas vezes eles querem sua experiência para livre. Para executar um negócio bem sucedido, você deve fazer um Bill Gross Pense que o Dow 20,000 é o número da Rodada errada para se concentrar no relógio Dow 20,000 está fazendo manchetes, mas Bill Gross diz que o número mais importante é 2,60. Janus Funds bond guru adverte que 2,60 é uma linha na areia para o presidente executivo de 10 anos Bill Ford e CEO Mark Fields descrevem o que está em armazém para a empresa automotiva no futuro. Um grupo de executivos da indústria automobilística compartilha seus pensamentos sobre o que o futuro se parece aos veículos autônomos. As 10 habilidades técnicas com crescimento explosivo na demanda de emprego A Universidade Bentley encomendou um estudo para descobrir quais as habilidades de negócios que estão crescendo em demanda. Estas são as habilidades técnicas mais exigentes, de acordo com o Burning Glass. CRM 10.Salesforce Muitos gerentes tendem a se afastar de dar feedback aos funcionários porque eles estão nervosos sobre como a pessoa irá reagir. Os líderes precisam se preparar para o futuro de sua empresa. Se essa empresa for parte de sua identidade, por que não fazer planejamento de sucessão, pergunta a Beth Savage, presidente da PQ Systems. Poucas semanas depois de anunciar que funcionará com verificadores de fato de terceiros para gerenciar a exibição de notícias falsas em seu site, o Facebook contratou o ex-jornalista de televisão Campbell Brown para servir de ligação entre editores e Facebook. AB InBev e Keurig Green Mountain criam uma parceria para desenvolver um sistema de distribuição domiciliar para cerveja, bebidas espirituosas e cocktails. The Megyn Kelly Gamble: um olhar sobre a economia arriscada por trás de sua mudança para a estrela da NBC, ex-Fox News, Megyn Kelly, mudará-se para a NBC no final deste ano. A rede teve que pagar um tostão bonito (em algum lugar entre 15 milhões e 20 milhões) para recrutá-la. John Cena e AJ Styles só podem ter entregue a promoção do ano terça-feira à noite no SmackDown Live. Forbes Contributor House Money Studios quebra como estilos e Cena estabeleceram o padrão-ouro para promoções da WWE na era da realidade. O fabricante em rápido crescimento de veículos de trânsito alimentados por bateria visa mais de dupla produção este ano. O Best Beauty Tech Products na CES 2017 Technology está dando à indústria da beleza uma reforma. Aqui estão algumas das inovações de beleza mais inovadoras da CES 2017. HiMirror estreou um dos espelhos inteligentes do mundo, que analisa a sua pele. O que remover do seu currículo Em 2017 Aqui estão 5 coisas a perder do seu currículo para criar espaço para Todas as suas realizações. 1. Demais detalhes sobre seus anos universitários. Se você não é um graduado recente, esta seção pertence ao final do seu. Existem muitos motivos para escolher um lugar para colocar raízes. Talvez você tenha sido transferido para o trabalho. Talvez você sempre quis possuir imóveis em Charleston, SC, e você encontrou um acordo que é bom demais para deixar passar. Poderíamos dizer que os ingleses estão apostando sobre os casamentos e os assuntos de sua realeza durante pelo menos os últimos mil anos desde que os normandos e os saxões foram para a coroa em 1066. Moving 101: dicas e estratégias para embalagem como Um Pro Youve encontrou uma nova casa, mas agora é hora de encerrar o antigo. Aqui estão as melhores dicas para empacotar e se instalar em seu novo lugar. Contrate uma empresa de mudança para economizar tempo e, portanto, dinheiro. Uma das resoluções do ano novo de 2017 para viajantes não pode decidir onde ir em 2017 Coloque essas tendências de viagem em sua lista de tarefas para o ano. Vá em um safari que apenas está limitado à África. Você pode ver tigres na Índia ou ursos polares em Manitoba, Canadá.
Estou tentando calcular a média móvel de um sinal. O valor do sinal (um duplo) é atualizado em horários aleatórios. Estou procurando uma maneira eficiente de calcular sua média ponderada no tempo ao longo de uma janela de tempo, em tempo real. Eu poderia fazê-lo sozinho, mas é mais desafiante do que eu pensava. A maioria dos recursos que encontrei através da internet calculam a média móvel do sinal periódico, mas as atualizações das minas em tempo aleatório. Alguém conhece bons recursos para isso. O truque é o seguinte: você obtém atualizações em horários aleatórios através de atualização vazia (tempo int, valor flutuante). No entanto, você também precisa acompanhar quando uma atualização cai na janela de tempo, de modo que você configure um alarme chamado no momento N, que remove a atualização anterior de ser novamente considerado novamente na computação. Se isso acontecer em tempo real, você pode solicitar o sistema operacional para fazer uma chamada para um método void dropoffoldest...
Comments
Post a Comment